It was an honor to present alongside my grad school colleagues at the inaugural Forum on Public Diplomacy presented by the USC Association of Public Diplomacy Scholars. What are your thoughts on my presentation regarding the digital diplomacy horizon we face in international relations?
– Presentation Script –
Could social media change the way we conduct public diplomacy? And what impact does digital diplomacy have, if any, on foreign policy?
To answer this question, I interviewed 30 different practitioners in Washington, DC, Silicon Valley, and London to attempt to define digital diplomacy and forecast its future. I was driven by my desire to live in a world where publics have a say in the foreign policies that govern them. I quote many diverse sources and my research is ongoing, which you can see on my blog, but I’ll share with you a summary of my findings thus far…
We used to have to gain an audience with our leaders and this opportunity was reserved for an elite few or the able few in Christopher columbus’ case here, who’s privilege it was to be present and listen to what leadership had to say. Now – we have social media that helps publics communicate with leaders about the issues that matter the most to us. “We the people” now has a distinct voice.
But it turns out, my conclusion regarding social media is not about the crowd speaking louder to government, it’s about allowing government to listen more effectively to the crowd. We must change the way we think about social media, utilize its evaluation metrics, and use it as a supplemental tool to traditional public diplomacy.
My interpretation of the goals of Public Diplomacy are: to inform, to advocate, to listen, to connect, to engage and, best case scenario, to build capacity that enhances international relations and foreign policy implementation
Now, applying these goals to digital diplomacy, presents us with some pros and cons… in other words, challenges that my research proves can be overcome.
Skeptics say social media could be just as likely to strengthen authoritarian regimes as it is to weaken them” and this statement remains because we haven’t yet implemented evaluation that can prove this either way. But I would like to contradict this by reminding us that censorship and propaganda have higher costs to maintain than open forums for freedom of speech.
A great example occurred this February when China was pressured to address its environmental standards: The U.S. Embassy in Beijing operates its own pollution monitor, releasing hourly figures by Twitter. In the past two years, citizens noticed large discrepancies between the official Chinese figures and the U.S. ones, and the public began to question whether the Chinese statistics had been falsified.
With a constant digital presence, organizations are forced to become more transparent and accountable. Without digital outreach, Beijing may not have taken emergency action: shutting down factories and taking a third of official cars off the road. Because of the US embassy broadcasting directly to foreign audiences, Beijing is now vowing to cut air pollution by 15 percent over the next three years, something that citizens may not have been able to do without the online forum.
The next con of digital diplomacy is that the true global reach of the Internet is limited and access is selective in many countries. But, as Clay Shirky says “access to conversation is far more important than access to information”, especially in a political sense
This is exemplified through the U.S.’s virtual embassy in Iran: Since the United States does not have a presence, physically on the ground in Tehran, it has a virtual embassy which is headquartered on this website. It’s actually shut down repeatedly by the Iranian internet authorities, but state department officials like Alec Ross and Tara Sonenshine have said that it’s actually encouraging when this happens because it means that Iranian publics are using this resource and if it wasn’t useful, it wouldn’t be targeted. This virtual embassy is one of the only means US diplomacy has to engage with Iranian publics – this digital presence presents an opportunity that traditional diplomacy otherwise wouldn’t.
However, skeptics would say: social media gives voice to those who are dramatic – who want to broadcast their extreme views… but Social Media is, in its fundamental nature, a culture of sharing and an enabler of two-way engagement and collaboration and those voices can be valuable if we let them be in the right ways.
A dynamic example is that of US Ambassador to Syria, Robert Ford:
Who has distinguished himself for his willingness to take personal risks as well as to deliver candid messages directly to the public. As the civil war in Syria began to gain momentum in 2011, the Ambassador engaged audiences by posting on his facebook page: “While reviewing recent posts I found several thoughtful comments by persons who are strongly critical of American policy,” Ford’s note began. “I respect that they asked hard questions, and they deserve answers. ” This brought a human face to the authorities dealing with the civil war and could have enhanced US soft power while decreasing others’.
More importantly, among his comments, he found warnings that current American efforts to unseat president Bashar al-Assad could endanger minorities in the country, helping to better organize the embassy’s response plan. By embracing social media, the ambassador invited criticism but through analysis, found valuable information he may not have otherwise been able to find through traditional diplomacy.
Given these examples, how can we progress in digital diplomacy?
We must exercise best practices, meaning:
First, Utilize evaluation mechanisms — A campaign is only as successful as you can prove it to be. Social media metrics are currently underused (as we saw in the Beijing pollution case).
I recently conducted website analytics and Facebook insights for the Center on Public Diplomacy, and it’s helping them see what topics are most discussed and where their strongest audiences are located. Note: this is not accurate data for the actual Center, it is a template from Facebook Insights Tutorial.
Next, As public diplomats, we cannot let social media stand alone – it’s important to supplement it with events and genuine people-to-people engagement so that it is enhancing, not substituting for, diplomatic actions on the ground (and this is where well-rounded diplomacy is missing in the Iran virtual embassy case).
My favorite example of this right now is the social media outreach for our very own student-run APDS Annual Conference. We reached completely new audiences world wide with 34 new followers in one day, 630 uses of our own hashtags, and 400 views of our live web stream, but it was entirely rooted in our person-to-person programming here on campus.
Finally, it’s necessary to develop individualized best practices – the most effective way to engage is specialized messaging and the best people to develop that are the diplomatic teams on the ground who will know their audiences in a multi-faceted way (like Ambassador Ford in Syria).
This means integrating the practices of social media into how we train our diplomats in strategic communications. It also means recognizing that there is a digital divide between those that are equipped with and “fluent in” digital media, not only a generational gap but also a developmental one. But the digital diplomacy horizon is one where we can see that everyone will connected by one digital network or another.
I actually started my research more with the question of: could we crowd source foreign policy with social media? In a sense, allowing everyone a say in international relations? My research has proved that the answer is no, but the reason why these findings remain important to me is that, through social media, there now exists a way to measure sentiment, even if it is subtle.
Social media gives us numbers that can distinctly say what people are feeling and how they’re communicating about issues, countries, international politics and these numbers mean more than simple polls because it’s truly what people feel, and believe, and talk about with their most valued contacts.
It is my hope that when governments, such as my own, decide to invade a country like Iraq, public diplomats can approach leaders with the hard, fast social media numbers that state a foreign public won’t appreciate an invasion and here’s when, where, why and how those publics are discussing key international decisions.
In conclusion, my call to action is one that involves recognizing the strengths and weaknesses of social media and using social media as a supplementary tool in public diplomacy. If we want to live in a world where publics start to have a say in the foreign policies that govern them, it’s time to embrace social media evaluation mechanisms that can provide us with the tools to change the way we conduct engagement.